By Brian Spegele 

BEIJING--China's biggest oil company is eschewing everything from multibillion-dollar deals to employee birthday cakes. A company that supplies alcohol for high-end spirits makers has turned to making industrial chemicals, while a restaurant chain that once served spicy fish heads to well-fed officials is now investing in big data.

China's economy is struggling to carry on without the widespread corruption and official extravagance that once spurred so much business. The impact is rippling through far corners of the economy, squeezing state-owned enterprises and small-business owners alike.

The campaign, which President Xi Jinping championed from the time he took over as China's leader in late 2012, has raised concerns in some corners that intense government scrutiny is paralyzing parts of the economy, setting up potentially bigger challenges to come.

The austerity and anticorruption drive is one reason China risks missing its annual growth target of around 7.5%. Lu Ting, a China economist at Bank of America Corp., has estimated the campaign is trimming somewhere between 0.6 and 1.5 percentage points from China's gross-domestic-product growth.

The impact includes huge companies like China National Petroleum Corp.--China's largest oil producer, which is cutting costs--and people like Liu Qunhui.

Ms. Liu, a 43-year-old divorcee from the city of Dujiangyan, in Sichuan province, until this year supplemented her daytime income as a subway security guard by running a foot-massage stall at a hotel that hosted retreats for local cadres. Visiting officials provided steady business, but as Mr. Xi's campaign moved into high gear, customers dwindled and Ms. Liu closed her shop in July.

"Today I can't buy any of the things I want to," said Ms. Liu, who now relies on her job at the local subway and a monthly salary equivalent to about $200. "In the past, I could buy clothes for 1,000 yuan ($161), but now I can only buy ones for 200 yuan."

The reverberations stem partly from government officials and state-owned enterprises executives, who fear that approving new projects could land them under the government's anticorruption microscope, said bankers, officials and businesspeople in China. That has delayed overseas acquisitions and development of new domestic projects. For its part, China says cracking down on corruption is vital to long-term economic health.

CNPC, the oil giant controlled by China's central government, and businesses that depend on it exemplify the shift. In 2013, even as the corruption crackdown intensified and began targeting its executives, CNPC still announced billions of dollars in deals, scooping up oil properties worldwide.

That changed when antigraft authorities detained top executives from the company, including its former president, Jiang Jiemin. Deals dried up. Bankers and others who work with CNPC say executives seem unwilling to make big decisions these days. Among CNPC's only noteworthy deals in 2014 was a billion-dollar acquisition of oil properties in Canada, which itself faced delays when Canada-based executives for CNPC were removed or recalled to Beijing because of the probes.

At home, official scrutiny delayed domestic development work, said industry analysts. When analysts at Standard Chartered Bank met CNPC officials this year, the company said stricter implementation of contract-documentation requirements had slowed payments to services providers.

Now CNPC and its listed arm, PetroChina Co., say it is refocusing on profitability. Capital spending at PetroChina totaled 189 billion yuan through the first three quarters this year, down from 202 billion yuan a year earlier.

Other factors have also hit China's oil industry, including a fall in global oil prices that has hurt oil companies world-wide. But executives said unprecedented government scrutiny is also a big reason for the industry's pullback.

CNPC and PetroChina didn't respond to requests for comment.

That new cautiousness is also hitting employees. For workers at one CNPC unit, managers discontinued birthday-cake gift cards, citing anticorruption and austerity guidelines, according to an employee, while cash bonuses have largely vanished. Similarly, when jetting off to the Middle East to inspect operations there, employees are now instructed to choose economy class on Air China instead of business class on Dubai's Emirates Airline.

Companies that depend on CNPC for business have also been hit. Hong Kong-listed Anton Oilfield Services Group, which counts CNPC and other state oil majors as customers, is warning investors that year-end profit could fall 80% compared with 2013. Anton has declined to comment.

The antigraft probes left management holes at CNPC's headquarters, meaning development work across China faced delays, said Yin Shenping, chief executive of Recon Technology Ltd., a Nasdaq-listed provider of oil technology to CNPC and others.

"So many people are now gone," or cooperating with authorities' investigation, said Mr. Yin. "So for example, I want a glass of water but there's no one left in charge of approving it, so the whole thing gets delayed."

Elsewhere, executives are altering course to sidestep the campaign. A Shenzhen-listed restaurant chain until recently called Beijing Xiangeqing Group was popular among officials for its fiery delicacies. But restaurant earnings sagged as officials were ordered to shun elaborate meals. The company--which this year changed its name to Cloud Live Technology Group Co.--now invests in big data and is selling its once-core restaurant unit altogether.

Then there is baijiu, the Chinese spirit ubiquitous at official banquets. Revenue is down at high-end baijiu makers. Some have resorted to selling well-known labels at less than half the price of before the campaign amid slack demand.

China New Borun Corp., a New York-listed alcohol producer from eastern Shandong province, has struggled to keep up revenue as baijiu demand has weakened. The company blames the weakness on Mr. Xi's campaign, and says it's busy expanding its industrial chemicals and foam-insulation businesses to make up the slack. New Borun declined a request to interview executives.

Ms. Liu, the subway attendant and former masseuse, is similarly wending through China's new economy. After her massage stall closed, she decided to team up with family to produce a new kind of feminine-hygiene lotion.

Together with her ex-husband and relatives, Ms. Liu pooled around 200,000 yuan for the new business. They rented a workspace, but efforts stalled after another relative backtracked on a promise of more funds. An attempt by Ms. Liu to secure a bank loan failed.

Ms. Liu has sought more investors, a frustrating process that has illustrated for her growing difficulties of earning money in China.

"It's hard earning money these days," she said, recalling a time when she worked as taxi driver in Dujiangyan, earning enough to easily support herself, her mother and son. "Today, just taking care of myself is a huge problem."

Kersten Zhang, Lingling Wei and Yang Jie contributed to this article.

Write to Brian Spegele at brian.spegele@wsj.com

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